Around 1990, various scholars built a powerful paradigm: they argued that the Revolution excluded women from politics and created a private sphere of female domesticity. Andrew Cayton, Love in the Time of Revolution: Transatlantic Literary Radicalism and Historical Change, 1793–1818 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2013); Polasky, Revolutions without Borders. In April 1793, the French Republic passed a law that all “unnecessary women” should leave army camps within a week, but in the next two months, only three women left the army, and only one of these was discharged by the new law. It was published in French translation only in 1984. The old model or paradigm focusing on class conflict has been challenged but no new explanatory model had gained widespread support. The Académie was officially established in 1635 by Cardinal Richelieu, the chief minister to King Louis XIII. Politically, the governmental structure of the Revolution moved from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy to a republic and finally to an oligarchy. Colwill, “Freedwomen’s Familial Politics”; Rebecca J. Scott and Jean M. Hébrard, Freedom Papers: An Atlantic Odyssey in the Age of Emancipation (Cambridge, MA, 2012); Jennifer L. Palmer, Intimate Bonds: Family and Slavery in the French Atlantic (Philadelphia, 2016). A collection of his essays (Inventing the French Revolution, 1990) examines the ideological origins of the Revolution. This interpretation of the Revolution gained conceptual backing from scholarship in political theory, which stressed the exclusionary aspects of liberalism more broadly.2 However, feminist historians soon began to question this emphasis on political exclusion and domestication as the primary impact of the Revolution on women. The French Revolution created turmoil across the whole of Europe, via a series of events which continue to captivate and inspire massive debate. Lefebvre was inspired by Jaurès and came to the field from a mildly socialist viewpoint. I was a woman when I saved the 11th battalion . One well-known interpretation of the Revolution is the Marxist interpretation. Her move dovetailed with Napoleonic changes in family law that curtailed women’s civil rights and arguably forwarded the growth of domesticity.17, Although there does not seem to be much recent work on gender and the counterrevolution, Guillaume Mazeau has explored how the act of a single woman, Charlotte Corday, helped to polarize the Revolution by embodying and accentuating the opposition between “revolution” and “counterrevolution,” as imagined both in 1793 and later. Lived: 1910-1993. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterised as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution. A. Goldhammer, 1989). His work largely approaches the Revolution "from below", favouring explanations in terms of classes. Guillaume Mazeau et Clyde Marlo Plumauzille, “Penser avec le genre: Trouble dans la citoyenneté révolutionnaire,” La Révolution française. It seems crucial to continue to put gender history and the transnational turn into greater dialogue with one another by building on the approaches mentioned above and fashioning new zones of study. The bicentenary of the French Revolution in 1989 inspired a new wave of narrative histories, further expanding the historiography of the French Revolution. 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